toasters to politics

Kenji passed on a juicy little tidbit today that I had totally missed. Apparently the founders of MoveOn, a lefty political action committee (PAC for the lingo-savvy), were the founders of Berkeley Entertainment Systems, creators of After Dark, with it’s famous flying toaster screen saver. I was always fond of Satori, myself. Pre-After Dark we had Moire-cdev. Ah, back in the day, when you needed ResEdit to change the icon appareance on the desktop.

If you want a fancy schmancy flying toaster, you can get it for OSX.

one big union of all the Dementors

According to the the Maoist International Movement movie guide, Harry Potter is an anti-fascist series that nevertheless caters to the piggy bourgeois appetite. Their parting shot in the review of the latest movie:

We would only add that in real life Dementos [sic] would have unions, and those unions would make sure that more prisons get built, guards hired and secrecy built in connection to any abuses by prison guards, most recently including two prison guards who went to Iraq and continued their profession at Abu Ghraib.

What is with these guys? When I went to hear Mike Albert of ZMag give a talk at MIT, he talked about how important it was to reach out to those who don’t believe in progressive causes. The communist bookstore guy and Aimee Smith derided his position, saying that “Joe Sixpack” would never try and work for real change. How fucking elitist is that? The Socialist Worker and MIMnotes people have the same dialogue-denying asshat attitude that born-again evangelists have.

I don’t know why I’m so angry — perhaps its because I believe that a lot of the injustices they point at need to be addressed but that their approach to fixing them is so untenable.

Al Gore is mad

He wrote a new speech which is long but worth reading.

More disturbing still was their frequent use of the word “dominance” to describe their strategic goal, because an American policy of dominance is as repugnant to the rest of the world as the ugly dominance of the helpless, naked Iraqi prisoners has been to the American people. Dominance is as dominance does.

Dominance is not really a strategic policy or political philosophy at all. It is a seductive illusion that tempts the powerful to satiate their hunger for more power still by striking a Faustian bargain. And as always happens – sooner or later – to those who shake hands with the devil, they find out too late that what they have given up in the bargain is their soul.

Sometimes he borders on the melodramatic, but I found it articulate and well-written. However, I’m not sure I’d want to hear Gore give it, given his sleep-inducing delivery.

out with the bjp

For someone who takes great care to declare his identity separate from Mother India, a country of which I have only been a tourist, I found myself overjoyed at the recent elections there, in which the Hindu fundamentalist BJP was thrown out government by an irate electorate. The Congress party, which some of my relatives support, is only the lesser of many evils, but since they can’t form a majority government either, they will be forced to work with others on the left.

The BBC characterized the elections as a demonstration of India’s “anti-incumbent” trends, but Sudhanva Deshpande thinks this is bunk. I’m a little dubious myself of the economic policies that will be formulated by the new govenment. I find myself unconvinced by the old-school return-to-pastoral-life attitude of Mahatma Gandhi, but the free-for-all globalization that went on in the last few years (including an Enron power plant in Maharashtra) was clearly not the way to go.

All in all, I am hopeful, but not too hopeful. And Congress is so much better than the BJP that it makes me do a little jig, even in these times of no good news from abroad.

a good time (not)

[Note: Jeff responded in the comments and I retract some of what I wrote here in my response.]

Here is Rush Limbaugh’s take on the Abu Ghraib photos and response:

This is no different than what happens at the Skull and Bones initiation and we’re going to ruin people’s lives over it and we’re going to hamper our military effort, and then we are going to really hammer them because they had a good time. You know, these people are being fired at every day. I’m talking about people having a good time, these people, you ever heard of emotional release? You heard of [the] need to blow some steam off?

When I read this I just started screaming incomprehensibly in my kitchen. I’m not sure how to argue with this point, or how to argue with Jeff’s apologia:

I think these prison guards slipped down a slope from frustration to anger and at some point took out that anger in an incomprehensible way. Read the description in that Times article of the inane stuff they made these Iraqis do and you begin to wonder what brought these people this far. If I was thrown in the same position would I have done any better? I don’t know.

This is a convenient theory that is very dramatic. I’m sure there are many plays that have been written in which a tense prison situation finally snaps and the guards enact a terrible scene of retribution and abuse, misdirected at a prisoner. I am not imputing Limbaugh’s view to Jeff, but they do share one idea: they see the torture of these prisoners as point events that are explicable given the circumstances.

Part of the point of military training as I understand it is to allow soldiers to make level-headed decisions in stressful situations. I have no idea how stressful it is out in the field where you are getting shot at, or in a prison where insurgents are trying to arrange prison breaks every night. Seymour Hersh cites the Taguba report:

There was a special women’s section. There were young boys in there. There were things done to young boys that were videotaped.

Abuses like that take premeditation. It is not a couple of people blowing off steam, nor is it slipping down the slope into a single incomprehensible act of violence. It shares the casual nature of the former and the degenerative aspect of the latter, but these acts were a way of life in this prison.

There is a separation that needs to be made between novelty and revulsion, and I think Jeff almost makes it. I was not surprised that abuses were happening in the prisons — after all, this is war, and war is not pretty and people do terrible things. I am nevertheless horrified at the casual nature of the violence, that this treatment of the prisoners had become so everyday. I am horrified that there have been three investigations and nothing has been done. I am horrified that this violence was sanctioned by higher authorities and that nobody is taking responsibility.

Things are better now than they were before. Perhaps prisons are better in Iraq than they are in the rest of the Middle East. But other Middle Eastern regimes do not pretend to be free societies that afford their citizens the rights that the US upholds. We are supposed to be building a model for a society, and we are tripping dangerously close to “come meet the new boss, same as the old boss.”

where there’s a will

George Will, alumnus of my high school, Pulitzer prize-winner, and conservative jerk, is undoubtedly a good writer. Consider this piece from the Post:

Being steadfast in defense of carefully considered convictions is a virtue. Being blankly incapable of distinguishing cherished hopes from disappointing facts, or of reassessing comforting doctrines in face of contrary evidence, is a crippling political vice.

It has the comforting cadence of a proverb, is wittiy, and cuts deep. The whole essay is worth reading — he takes Bush to task for his “us-white-people” comment.

LLLLLICHY

[Note: posting will continue until the database thing is sorted out — I suppose I will lose all new posts or something horrible like that, but oh well.]

Over at dsquared there is a very humorous argument that is just the fodder I need to put my anti-war opinions on a sounder rhetorical footing. It is an analysis of the similarities between OCYWRSHSHIP and LLLLLICHY, where

OCYWRSHSHIP = OF COURSE YOU WOULD RATHER STILL HAVE SADDAM HUSSEIN IN POWER, and
LLLLLICHY = LALALALA I CAN’T HEAR YOU.

His basic argument is that pro-war “liberals” such as Hitchens use the
OCYWRSHSHIP to gain the moral high ground and stave off the debate, which if fought on the basis of their own professed ideologies, they would lose. This runs dangerously close to pointing at others and saying “well, you’re just afraid of losing the argument,” that doesn’t make the criticism of the rhetorical tactic invalid.

penalizing ambition

Steve Clemon’s op-ed piece in the NY Times is all about the $100 visa application fee that international citizens have to pay, regardless of whether their visa is approved. The fee doesn’t vary from country to country, so it is disproportionately high in countries such as India. But $100 is a steep price to pay in any country.

In addition to the points brought up by Clemons, the delays in getting visas approved are ridiculous at US consulates in other countries. When I was interviewing at Caltech I met a student from Iran who told me he simply cannot go home because he would be delayed for a semester waiting for his visa there, whereas going to Mexico to renew is much easier.

A curious position I found myself in when reviewing graduate applications is that I was told to apply a much stricter standard to international applicants than I would for domestic applicants. I’m pretty sure they meant residents/nonresidents, but it may have also been citizen/non-citizen. I’m pretty sure that has to do with Berkeley being a state school, but I’ve been told that there is a lot of pressure to admit fewer international students even though they may be better candidates.

I’m not sure how I feel about all this yet — the visa thing I’m clearly against, but how to strike a balance between serving your constituency (US residents) and recruiting the best and the brightest (among all applicants) is tricky. It’s not really a case of affirmative action, so I don’t think the solutions should be the same. Although if you oppose affirmative action it seems that you should have to adopt the view of admitting only the best-qualified candidates regardless of nationality in order to remain philosophically consistent.

politics and theatre

Many of the plays that I admire most are overtly political — Marat/Sade (Weiss), Mother Courage and Her Children (Brecht), In The Heart of America (Wallace), Light Shining in Buckinghamshire (Churchill), Marisol (Rivera), and Bhoma (Sircar), for example. I appreciate plays in a different way than I appreciate film or literature. When I see a play and fall in love with it, I want to get involved with it, to grapple with the text and bring it to performance. The theatre is aural, visual, and immediate, which gives it a different flavor than a novel, poem, or movie. The thing I like most about these political plays is the way in which they make their message theatrical.

That is not to say they must be single-mindedly bashing you over the head with some (usually leftist) “point.” A good production of Brecht is not overtly Marxist, but shows the flaws in the way in which society works. Revolution is rarely made the action item of the day, for a generic revolution (as advocated by those Socialist Worker touts on Sproul Plaza) is not going to solve the immediate problem at hand. In Good Woman of Sezuan, Brecht posits that in order to avoid being poor, one must be cruel. When Shen Te comes into some money, she cannot possibly keep more for herself then for her starving neighbors. The poor are shown as opportunistic, and the rich are forced to exploit them, hardly the noble proletariat oppressed by Mr. Moneybags. Of course, that is one way to read it, but I think it’s akin to reading Hamlet as a play about sex-obsessed guy who can’t decide whether to kill himself or not, and then decides to kill his parents. These directorial choices are what make or break a play in terms of nuance.

Directors can spin a story many ways, and herein lies the problem with political plays in the professional theater. In professional theater, you have to satisfy the audience and give them their money’s worth, which leads to two possible outcomes when you produce a political play. If you want simply to entertain, then you produce the play with very little political investment, toning it down, if you will, to make it more palatable for the audience. You play up the jokes and play down the dog-kicking. If, on the other hand, your audience is a bunch of Cambridge or Berkeley intellectuals, they may want to come to the theater to be educated, so you turn your production into a mini-lecture, an intellectual exercise. The need to tell the message is killed, because the dominant need of the professional theater is to stay afloat and get enough subscribers.

The ART has fallen into both traps at different times. One of the first plays I saw there was Dario Fo’s We Won’t Pay, We Won’t Pay, which is a farce about the high price or groceries. It was a farce alright, but I felt about the same as after A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Forum on Broadway — sides aching and head empty. More recently I saw Mother Courage and although I was transfixed by some of the performances, the direction was opaque to me. There were terra-cotta Chinese figures, stylized fight practices, and ominous droning for the the scene changes, which I felt added a stylistic noise with no substance. What was worse, I came out of the theater with the thought “war is bad — look at how that poor woman went along with it and then suffered.” It was an almost Aristotelian take on a Brechtian play. I’m all for genre-bending, but I don’t think it follows that if you have the politics of the playwright then you necessarily experience a catharsis (as in Aristotle) from the play where others would be forced to muddle out the open question (as in Brecht).

These traps are also prevalent in the academic theater, where one might hope that the freedom of speech provided on campus might free the director from the commercial limitations of the professional theater. However, the most insidious trap of all is the open casting process for college productions. In order to a political play to have an impact, the actors must be invested in the message and the story that the director is trying to tell. In this case, they must both understand and desire to tell that story, a tall order for most campuses. The drama majors audition for plays on campus because they need practicum credit to graduate, because it’s their only opportunity to do a large-scale production that semester, and because their friends are auditioning. There are very few people who audition for a play because they know it and really want to act in it, and of those, even fewer are cast because they are not usually as well trained as the drama majors. The director is then faced with a motley crew of actors who are all good but who are not necessarily there for the same reason s/he is.

It’s nearly impossible to do with six actors, let alone twenty-nine. When I did Bhoma, I auditioned because it was an Indian play, I was the president of Dramashop, and I liked to act. I didn’t have a great investment in the politics of water in India, I certainly didn’t understand the play very well, and I had only read because we were selecting plays for that season. The other five actors in the production were probably there for similar reasons. In the end, our production was not as good as it could have been because we didn’t understand and need to tell the story we were telling. The barrage of cultural references and stylized choreography didn’t come together to form a coherent picture in our heads, and thus we couldn’t transmit that to the audience. In Marat/Sade, coordinating nearly thirty actors into sending a coherent message was not even part of the equation. Instead, the director asked us to individually work out our attitudes towards the ideas proposed in the play and to present a multiplicity of comments on the action. That too failed, since all fractional shades of interpretation are reduced to the lowest common denominator. I had really hoped the play would be more powerful than it was, but I don’t think there was a way for that to happen.

The upshot is that in order to really make a strong statement, to grab the audience and shake them to get them to wake up, to incite them to take action, you have to do it with a group of committed individuals, an ensemble that is there to do that play because they all want to say something. The cast of Marat/Sade was divided on how they wanted the audience to react, and thus we succeeded in confusing many of them. To do a play like that at a university with maximum impact, you would need to graft a political consciousness onto the actors. I certainly didn’t feel invested in the whole play, and I failed to articulate a coherent attitude towards revolution. I think that Berkeley’s decision to produce Marat/Sade was a good one, and I think the production was good, but it fell short of the play’s potential.

Perhaps what makes the play so good is that each production can capture some of the nuance and can make a political statement, but no production can get it all, and no production can live up to the potential evoked by reading through the script. The goal should be to tranform the possibility of interpretation into a possibility of change, to simultaneously say that here is how things are but yet they need not be this way. The whole enterprise has to be made concrete, but it’s a goal worth aiming for.

the battle of algiers

I’ve been meaning to write about a movie I saw recently, The Battle of Algiers, at the Castro Theatre. I took the day off to go to San Francisco because I really needed a break, and saw this movie with my friend Sarah after munching on some cheap sushi. When it came out in 1966 in France it was censored, and the reviews called it “the most controversial French film of all time,” a distinction which I felt may have been deserved. It tells a story of the independence/resistance movement in French Algeria and how the French responded. The action of the film is eerily familiar in today’s world of suicide attacks and vicious retaliation.

The film opens with the French Army raiding the hideout of Ali La Pointe in the Casbah. It then flashes back to the beginnings of the resistance and how Ali joined in after being imprisoned for attacking some French kids. Within a few minutes we are shown a prisoner being led to the guillotine (yes, they still used the guillotine, even in 1956), shouting “allahu akbar” and other inflammatory statements. The resistance was an Islamic movement — through violence and intimidation they sought to end prostitution and substance abuse in the Casbah.

The French decide to bring in the military to deal with the insurrection. Headed up by Colonel Mathieu, a hero of the French Resistance in WWII, his eloquent if terse justification for the brutal techniques used by the military helps to temper the anti-French bias in the film:

The problem is: the NLF wants us to leave Algeria and we want to remain. Now, it seems to me that, despite varying shades of opinion, you all agree that we must remain. When the rebellion first began, there were not even shades of opinion. All the newspapers, even the left-wing ones wanted the rebellion suppressed. And we were sent here for this very reason. And we are neither madmen nor sadists, gentlemen. Those who call us fascists today, forget the contribution that many of us made to the Resistance. Those who call us Nazis, do not know that among us there are survivors of Dachau and Buchenwald. We are soldiers and our only duty is to win. Therefore, to be precise, I would now like to ask you a question: Should France remain in Algeria? If you answer “yes,” then you must accept all the necessary consequences.

I don’t think I agree with his argument here, but he poses the problem as one of having your cake and eating it too, which I think it a fundamental problem in the process of releasing an Empire. They showed this film to US soldiers before they went to Iraq, perhaps to prepare them for techniques of resistance that would be used against them. I find the analogy imperfect. In Iraq, we there to establish a new empire, not to preserve the existing regieme. It seems hard to draw the parallels, because I doubt the majority of the Iraqi people really hate the occupying force with as much passion as the ghetto-ized Algerians hated the French. Of course, I’m not there, so I can’t be sure of this.

The movie is eerily documentary-like, although not one frame of documentary footage was used, according to the advertisements. It is in this, its verité uninterrupted by the tricks of the cinema, that the power of the film truly lies. A film entirely shot hand-held to give the impression of immediacy seems fake to me because my memories of things are not as jerky or grainy. Here we get a combination of narrow shots in the tight alleys and multistoried houses of the Casbah as well as panoramas from the rooftops that are clearly constructed but don’t feel fake or over-edited.

The film is certainly more powerful today because of the current climate of Islamic intifadas and the techniques of bombing cafes, buses, ambulances, and so on. The historicization of these themes works both on the level of Brecht to distance us from them and judge the more objectively, but also reminds us viscerally of how little some things have changed in the last 50 years.

The screenplay is freely available, which is where I got the quote. It does not appear to be available on DVD, but if you still have a VCR you can probably rent it from your local not-Blockbuster store.